Sigmatic Verbal Formations in Anatolian and Indo-European

A Cladistic Study

Public defense of PhD thesis by Tobias Mosbæk Søborg.

The present dissertation examines the plethora of Indo-European verbal formations characterized by an element *‑s-, such as the s-aorist and various subjunctives, futures and desideratives. A fundamental premise of the study is the consistent consideration of the internal subgrouping of the language family, in particular the primary split between Anatolian and the remaining ‘Indo- Tocharian’ branches, next between Tocharian and the remaining ‘Indo-Celtic’ branches. The basic framework and terminology of the internal subgrouping incorporated in the study is presented in Chapter 1. Chapter 2 investigates the sigmatic formations in Indo-Celtic, recapitulated by a reconstruction of the sigmatic formations in Proto-Indo-Celtic. Chapters 3 and 4 follow with treatments of Tocharian and Anatolian, respectively, culminating in a comparative assessment (Chapter 5) and a conclusion (Chapter 6).

A major result of the study is that none of the classical sigmatic verbal formations can be reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European. This notably includes the s-aorist which could not be demonstrated in Anatolian. Rather, the group of Anatolian verbs with an element *‑s- do not show the characteristic *- grade but a few have Schwebeablaut, which is irreconcilable with any stem formation in Indo-European. This radical behaviour reveals their identity as actual roots with an extension *‑s‑, with several indisputable examples showing Schwebeablaut and a clear telic and transitivizing function. This extension was reanalyzed as a suffix and employed in the nascent imperfective-aorist opposition in pre-Proto-Indo-Tocharian as a high-transitive aorist. The s-aorist achieved its characteristic *-grade only then, as the normal *é~∅-ablauting root stem was lengthened in monosyllabic forms caused by the *‑s: *CéCs(t) >

*CCs(t). The resulting *~∅-ablaut is reflected in the Tocharian s-averbo formations, which descend exclusively from the Proto-Indo-Tocharian s-aorist. In Proto-Indo-Celtic, the ablaut of the s-aorist was innovated to *in analogy with Narten-formations.

The future-desiderative complex is entirely derived from the s-aorist and not reconstructible for Proto-Indo-European. The s-aorist subjunctive and its side- form, the *si-imperative, can be reconstructed for Proto-Indo-Tocharian where it is already emancipated from the s-aorist, probably due to the alienation of the full-grade subjunctive with the lengthening in the indicative. The remaining future-desiderative formations are Indo-Celtic innovations.

Lastly, it is argued that a set of sigmatic personal endings can be reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European: 3sg. *‑s, 2pl. *‑and 3pl. *‑r̥s~*‑ḗr. These seem to alternate within the perfect system with the classical endings *‑e,

*‑é and *‑r̥~*ér, respectively. A pattern is determined between these perfect endings and the eventive endings *‑t, *‑, *‑nt, namely eventive *‑t‑ : perfect

*‑∅‑ : “s-perfect” *‑s‑ and several hypotheses are presented for the analysis of this new set of endings, presenting new routes for future research.

 

 

 

Assessment Committee

  • Associate Professor Anders Richardt Jørgensen, Chair (University of Copenhagen)
  • Professor Melanie Malzahn (Universität Wien)
  • Professor Andreas Willi (University of Oxford)

Moderator of the defense

  • Associate Professor Thomas Olander (University of Copenhagen)